An Analysis of Homologous Reproduction in Interscholastic Athletics
Abstract
The dominant proposition used to explain the decline of women in leadership roles in interscholastic athletics as both coaches and administrators is the entrenchment of male hegemony (Schell & Rodriquez, 2000). Homologous reproduction has been used to frame the existence of the “good ole boys' network” which maintains the status quo. The purpose of this study was to determine if the dominant group (men) in power in interscholastic athletics systematically reproduces itself by hiring more men than women for coaching and administrative positions. The administrative structure at 484 school districts in Texas was analyzed by comparing the gender composition of those structures. While suggestions of homologous reproduction were present in interscholastic athletics in earlier studies, the results of this study indicate that those in power are not hiring based upon their sex and the sex of the coach or administrator.
An Analysis of Homologous Reproduction in Interscholastic Athletics
The National Federation of State High School Associations (NFHS) has reported that in the U.S. over ten million young people are involved in high school activity programs associated with sports (NFHS, 2004). These individuals participate in athletics for one of the over 17,000 high schools in the United States that make up the membership of the NFHS. Since 1972, athletic participation among high school students in the U.S. has grown from 3.9 million to 6.9 million athletes, which represents 53% of all students enrolled at the high school level (Participation Sets Record for Sixth Straight Year, 2004). Participation opportunities have expanded for both boys and girls since the passage of Title IX over 30 years ago. While only accounting for approximately 7% of the student athletes in 1972 prior to the passage of Title IX, at the end of the 2003-2004 school year, 41% of the athletes were girls. Additionally, the number of boys participating in sports was at its highest level since 1978.
Along with the participation levels, interscholastic athletics continue to grow financially with athletics and other high school activity programs accounting for one to three percent of most schools' annual budgets (NFHS, 2004). The financial impact of high school athletics to the sport industry can then be estimated at approximately $15 billion when considering data from the National Center for Education Statistics at the U.S. Department of Education, which indicates that $501 million (M. Schneer, personal communication, December 14, 2004) was spent on K-12 education in the 2003-2004 school year.
The same gains in participation seen by girls have yet to be seen by women who are involved in interscholastic athletics. Men dominate the decision-making and leadership positions as coaches and athletic directors in interscholastic athletics (Whisenant, 2003). Numerous reasons accounting for the domination by men may include hegemonic masculinity, conflicting life/career choices by women, excessive burnout by women in coaching positions, and overt discrimination. In addition to the preceding list of reasons, another proposed contributory factor in the decline of female athletic administrators and coaches relates to Kanter's (1977) theory of homologous reproduction. Therefore, this study specifically explores one of these causes--homologous reproduction--suggested by earlier sport management research (Lovett & Lowry, 1994; Stangl & Kane, 1991) as contributing to a lack of diversity in sports.
Related Literature
Hegemonic Masculinity
Sport has been an exclusionary institution throughout its existence (Pedersen, Whisenant, & Schneider, 2003; Schell & Rodriquez, 2000). Although there have been advances in breaking down the myriad barriers in sport, females continue to face exclusionary aspects surrounding participation opportunities on the field, leadership positions (i.e., coaching, reporting) on the sidelines, coverage by the media, and administrative opportunities at all levels of competition. Whether through overt or covert discrimination, the systemic barriers (in both the minds and actions of participants) in sport that sustain the institution as a stronghold of men while marginalizing women is known as hegemonic masculinity (Schell & Rodriquez, 2000). Hegemonic masculinity manifests itself when women are systemically deprived the opportunity to compete in male dominated enterprises. These barriers, which reinforce the acceptance of masculinity as the defining characteristic within an occupation or culture, support the proposition that in western society women are consigned to gender-appropriate roles (Connell, 1987; Kane & Disch, 1993; Schell & Rodriquez, 2000). Sport positions for coaches and administrators at both the collegiate and interscholastic levels have often been shown to be the generic preserve of men with the majority of jobs going to men (Acosta & Carpenter, 2002; Whisenant, 2003; Wilkinson & Schneider, 1991).
At the college level, 93% of the individuals surveyed at NCAA member institutions agreed that qualified women were not selected for positions due to an “old boys” network which negatively impacted hiring practices involving women (Carpenter & Acosta, 1990). The use of networks and engaging in networking activities have been shown to have a positive influence career progression in sport (Whisenant & Pedersen, 2004b), just as it does in traditional business settings (Luthans, 1988). To that end, Whisenant and Pedersen (2004b) concluded that, “while networking can be a powerful tool which individuals can use to move up the ranks of intercollegiate athletics, it can also work against those (i.e., women) not privileged to its power” (p. 25).
While most research regarding career progression and gender diversity among coaches and administrators in sport has focused on collegiate athletics, some insight has been provided through examining the organizational environment within interscholastic athletics. One snapshot highlighting the underrepresentation of women in athletic director positions was demonstrated by a review of the membership directory for the Texas High School Athletic Directors Association (THSADA, 2004). Of the 415 members listed on the sport organization's website, only 11% of the members were women. The heavily unbalanced numbers that existed in Texas were also evident in other states. Nationally, athletic director association memberships indicated that only 14% of the members were women (Whisenant, 2003). Earlier studies also demonstrated the presence of an underrepresentation of women in the senior administrative role. Females held 11% of the AD positions in Florida (Whisenant & Pedersen, 2004a), 20% in Virginia (Heishman, Bunker, & Tutwiler, 1990), and 5% in Iowa (Oliphant, 1995). Of the various state athletic director associations, females hold 12% of the President positions and 12% of the National Interscholastic Athletic Administrator Association (NIAAA) liaison positions (Whisenant, 2003).
The implementation of Title IX legislation has had a dramatic impact on the number of coaching opportunities occupied by women (Acosta & Carpenter, 2001; Hart, Hasbrook, & Mathes, 1986; LeDrew & Zimmerman, 1994). While the vast majority of coaching positions for female sport teams were held by women prior to Title IX, that number has since changed. It has been estimated than more than 90% of female teams were coached by women in 1972 compared with less than 48% in 1998. This estimate was substantiated by a study of coaches who coached girls' sports in Texas whereby the data collected found that only 48% of those coaches were women (Smucker & Whisenant, 2005). Thus, while more girls are participating in sports, they are being coached by more men than women. This could be due to any number of reasons, including varying personal attitudes, preferences, values, discriminatory practices, and increased numbers of occupational opportunities for women in other areas of society (Eitzen & Sage, 2003). One outcome of the male domination of sport is the means to which coaches and athletic directors are selected. Aside from overt discrimination, one suspected proposition put forth as a possible means of explaining the gender gap is homologous reproduction (Knoppers, 1987).
Homologous Reproduction
In athletics administration, as in business, managerial images may be identified as a masculine ethic. As Kanter (1977) wrote,
This “masculine ethic” elevates the traits assumed to belong to some men to necessities for effective management: a tough-minded approach to problems; analytic abilities to abstract and plan; a capacity to set aside personal, emotional considerations in the interests of task accomplishment; and a cognitive superiority in problem-solving and decision making. (p. 22)
Research involving the domination of power by selected groups (men) in business organizations suggested that those in power maintain their control and influence by only allowing those who share common characteristics to enter their circle of influence (Kanter, 1977). This sense of social conformity was essential to sustaining a managerial career. Decision makers accountable for selecting managers tended to feel more comfortable with those individuals who had similar backgrounds and experiences to themselves. When organizations faced a high degree of uncertainty, trust and loyalty were seen as indispensable competencies for progression within the management ranks. Trust was thought to ensure personal loyalty to the organization and provide some sense of predictability in uncertain situations. Loyalty assured commitment. As a result of this closed network, women and other individuals are excluded from consideration for managerial positions. Their exclusion is not due to a lack of managerial competencies, but rather a lack of similar social characteristics. Homologeneous reproduction then maintains the status quo of hegemonic masculinity within the managerial structure of organizations.
Knoppers (1987) was the first researcher to apply the organizational model of homologous reproduction to sports. Knoppers explored the effects of opportunity, power, and proportion on women in coaching. Opportunity was characterized by the career path available to coaches. Women, as pointed out by Knoppers, have a vast array of obstacles which often inhibit their opportunity to progress in coaching. Those obstacles associated with working in a male dominated profession included sex discrimination, limited access to coaching boys' sports, family role conflicts, and in some cases, sexual harassment. The second element was power. Power was framed not as domination over others, but rather the ability to amass the formal and informal resources necessary to be successful in their work related roles. Knoppers also noted that “people with power have autonomy and freedom of action, having access to whatever is needed to reach their goals” (p. 16). The final piece was proportion. Proportion pertains to the ratio of women to men employed within the profession or organization. In situations where the ratio of women to men is less than 0.15, the organizational environment was considered to be skewed and tilted if 0.16 to 0.35. Women may be perceived and treated as tokens if the ratio is small. Knoppers' proposition of homologous reproduction was later tested by Stangl and Kane (1991).
Homologous reproduction promotes the concept that “the dominant group systematically reproduces itself in its own image” (Stangl & Kane, 1991). Stangl and Kane sought to apply the principle of homologous reproduction to interscholastic athletics in Ohio to determine if the sex of athletic directors was related to the proportion of male and female head coaches in their athletic departments. The demographics from their study indicated that after the passage of Title IX, while the number of girls' teams increased, the number of women coaching girls' teams decreased from 93% to 33%. At the athletic director level, women held 8% of the positions. With regards to the question of homologous reproduction, they found that a relationship did exist whereby female athletic directors were more likely to hire female head coaches than athletic directors who were men. These findings did support the proposition that homologous reproduction was present in interscholastic athletics at the coaching level.
Later, Lovett and Lowry (1994) examined Texas high schools. These researchers arrived at similar conclusions as did Stangl and Kane (1991) regarding interscholastic athletics. They sought to determine the extent the administrative structure within a school district influenced hiring patterns of coaches. Unlike the work by Stangl and Kane, Lovett and Lowery expanded the structure beyond the athletic director to include the sex of the school principal. The sex of the administrators, principals, and athletic directors did appear to be impacting hiring decisions which resulted in homologous reproduction of the coaches. They also noted that while men often have positions as the head coach of girls' teams, women are seldom the head coach of a boys' team.
A more recent study in sports framed within the construct of homologous reproduction was conducted by Stahura and Greenwood (2001). These scholars investigated the status of women in intercollegiate athletics. Their findings--which involved head coaches of basketball, soccer, softball, and volleyball teams at both the Division I and III levels--revealed that the sex of the athletic director did influence hiring patterns. They also noted that the institution's competitive division also influenced hiring practices of women as the sports' head coach.
With the exception of these three studies--two in interscholastic athletics and one in collegiate athletics--no other studies were found to exist involving the application of Kanter's (1977) model of homologous reproduction to hiring practices in athletics. The purpose of this study was to readdress those previous works to determine the extent to which homologous reproduction has remained as a raison d'être for the denial of women to have equal access to coaching and administrative positions in interscholastic athletics. The primary research questions addressed within this study were
- Did the sex of a school district's superintendent impact the sex of the athletic director, indicating the presence of homologous reproduction?
- Did the sex of the athletic director impact the sex of the head coach for three girls' high school sports--basketball, softball, and volleyball--indicating the presence of homologous reproduction?
Methodology
Random sampling utilizing a random digits table was used to identify the schools from which the data was collected for this study. In Texas, 20 Regional Service Centers provide support to local school districts. The regions have websites that maintain a list of the districts they serve. From the list of school districts, each school district was assigned a number and a random numbers table was used to select the districts to be used in the study. Information gathered from school district websites provided the necessary data used in this study. The data collected included the sex of key district personnel. Those key personnel included the district's superintendent, athletic director, and head coach for the three sports with the largest number of girl participants--basketball, softball, and volleyball. The sex of the person in each position was recorded as either a male or female. If the sex of the person in the position could not be determined by her/his first name or by a picture of the person on the school's website, the school district was contacted by either email or phone and asked to provide the sex of the person in question. A predetermined rotation sequence was established to select the high school to be used from the district in instances whereby the district had more than one high school. Only one high school was used from each school district. The administrative structure used to assess the question associated with the athletic director was 1) male superintendent–male athletic director (MS-MAD); 2) male superintendent–female athletic director (MS-FAD); 3) female superintendent–male athletic director (FS-MAD); or 4) female superintendent–female athletic director (FS-FAD). The administrative structure used to assess the question associated with the head coaches of girls' sports was 1) male athletic director–male coach (MAD-MC); 2) male athletic director–female coach (MAD-FC); 3) female athletic director–male coach (FAD-MC); or 4) female athletic director–female coach (FAD-FC).
Once the data were collected, frequency counts and crosstabulations were constructed to illustrate the findings. Due to low expected frequencies in many of the cells, Chi-square analyses were deemed inappropriate for this study. As noted by Kuzma and Bohnenblust (2001), the Fisher's exact test statistic is a more appropriate method of determining significance when greater than 20% of the expected frequencies are less than five. Fisher's exact test “computes directly the probability of observing a particular set of frequencies in a 2 X 2 table” (Kuzma & Bohnenblast, 2001, p. 248). In the case of the crosstabulations for this study, all four analyses had at least 25% of the expected frequencies numbering less than five, making the use of Fisher's exact test the preferred method of analysis. Alpha reliability coefficients of .05 ( p < .05) were utilized in all analyses included in the study.
Results
Table 1 displays the frequency cross-tabulations of the individuals serving in the positions used for the study. The data indicate that 83% (n=400) of the superintendents were men and 17% (n=84) were women. At the athletic director position, 98% (n=476) of the school districts had a male athletic director and only 2% (n=8) of the athletic programs were led by women. Women dominated the coaching positions, holding 804 (59%) of the 1,369 positions. Most of the volleyball positions (84%) were held by women (n=392). Excluding volleyball, men held the majority of the head coaching positions for basketball (n=268; 57%) and softball (n=224; 52%).
Table 1
Crosstabulations by Sex and Position
Superintendent |
||||
Male |
Female |
Total |
||
Athletic Director |
Male |
393 |
83 |
476 |
Female |
7 |
1 |
8 |
|
Total |
400 |
84 |
484 |
|
Basketball Coach |
||||
Male |
Female |
Total |
||
Athletic Director |
Male |
265 |
198 |
463 |
Female |
3 |
3 |
6 |
|
Total |
268 |
201 |
469 |
|
|
Softball Coach |
||||
Male |
Female |
Total |
||
Athletic Director |
Male |
220 |
208 |
428 |
Female |
4 |
3 |
7 |
|
Total |
224 |
211 |
435 |
|
| Volleyball Coach |
||||
Male |
Female |
Total |
||
Athletic Director |
Male |
73 |
385 |
458 |
Female |
0 |
7 |
7 |
|
Total |
73 |
392 |
465 |
|
The first research question sought to determine if the sex of a school district's superintendent impacted the sex of the athletic director, which would indicate the presence of homologous reproduction. As previously mentioned, Fisher's exact test was employed in the analyses. The findings indicated that the sex of the superintendent did not influence the sex of the athletic director, p = .583. The second research question sought to determine if the sex of the athletic director impacted the sex of the head coach for three girls' sports--basketball, softball, and volleyball--which would indicate the presence of homologous reproduction. For each sport, the findings indicated that the sex of the athletic director did not impact the sex of the coach: basketball, p = .515; softball, p = .533; and volleyball, p = .300 .
Discussion
The findings from this study firmly support previous research which has confirmed that interscholastic athletics remains the domain of men. Men not only controlled 98% of the athletic departments by holding the athletic director positions, they held 83% of the school district superintendent positions. The presence of such male domination over two of the pivotal power positions within the school districts sampled suggests the presence of hegemonic masculinity which may perpetuate homologous reproduction within the administrative and coaching ranks of interscholastic athletics. While men held a majority of the coaching positions in two sports, basketball and softball, women dominated the positions as the volleyball coach which led to their holding the majority of the coaching positions overall. Despite what earlier research appeared to support, the proposition that the presence of homologous reproduction was the driving force sustaining hegemonic masculinity in interscholastic athletics, and in particular girls' sports, the findings of this study failed to support that notion. While men did dominate the key power positions, there was no evidence that the sex of the superintendent influenced the sex of the athletic director. Nor did the sex of the athletic director influence the sex of the coach for any of the three sports used in this study. The findings did suggest, however, that, based on the postulations of Knoppers (1987), women in the AD role may be in place as a matter of tokenism since the ratio of women to men in the position was 0.016.
These findings contradict earlier studies which have suggested that homologous reproduction was a factor influencing the underrepresentation of women in interscholastic athletics (Lovett & Lowry, 1994; Stangl & Kane, 1991). In the ten years since these studies were conducted, the tide may be turning whereby the sex of the decision makers involved with hiring coaches and athletic directors may not be having an overt influence over hiring outcomes. The exclusion of homologous reproduction as a contributing factor to the absence of diversity within the key power positions within interscholastic sports suggests that the disparity seen may not be rooted in overt sex discrimination by men against women, but other factors influencing the hiring process.
Looking beyond overt job discrimination and homologous reproduction, three factors associated with the selection and hiring process may be the dominant causes for the sustained lack of diversity seen in athletics. The first factor which may be impacting the candidate pool for coaches and athletic directors is grounded in Bandura's (1997) work associated with self-efficacy. With the majority of coaching positions for girls' sports and athletic director positions being held by men, many high school students do not see women in these critical power positions. This lack of representation by women may promote the idea among young girls that women are not suited for these leadership roles in sports. As a result, when girls go off to college and select their course of studies to prepare themselves for their careers, they may not consider athletics to be a viable profession as either a coach or an administrator. The outcome then may be that despite having the requisite competencies needed to be successful, women may self select themselves out of a career in sports leadership. Bandura (1997) points out that women often engage in some form of self-selection out of gender stereotypical roles or occupations. Sport has clearly been shown to be one of those occupations. The overall impact then becomes a reduction in the number of women who enter sports, which in turn reduces otherwise qualified applicants who are women. The absence of women applying for these positions then leads to the perpetuation of hegemonic masculinity in sports.
A second feature impacting the candidate pool may be the absence of women who coach boys' sports. With women being consigned to coaching only girls' sports, while men can coach either sex, men have greater opportunities to secure a coaching position. They then also have the ability to build their résumé by demonstrating the ability to work with a more diverse group of students and associates.
A third issue, and perhaps having a greater influence on the number of women in athletic director roles cascading from the two previous factors, may be the manner in which these administrative positions are advertised. Whisenant (2005) observed that in Texas, the domain for this study, 74% of the athletic director jobs advertised on the Texas High School Coaches Association website required that the candidate also serve as the head football coach. Having the head football coach requirement integrated into the announcement would most likely eliminate women from applying for the position. Not knowing the degree to which women serve as coaches in high school athletics, the researchers suspect few if any women would meet that qualification. In addition, coaching may not be held as a bona fide occupational qualification. If so, then further research is needed to explore the intent behind linking the position to any coaching role. Each of the three factors noted above provide ample research opportunities for researchers to expand upon.
Opportunities for women in interscholastic athletics will improve as more women enter the profession and fill critical mentoring roles for young women. Having women in these power positions will impact both sexes. Girls and boys will both see that interscholastic athletics is a viable career option for women. As a result, the current systemic barriers which women face may be eliminated as more women who have played sports enter athletics and build strong networks with their male peers. These gains may then be expanded upon as women choose linear career paths versus vertical opportunities to establish their credentials and gain experience as athletic administrators. These management and leadership competencies women develop will not only serve them well in their own athletic departments, but also position them for other roles as the external competition for good managers in athletics grows.
General demographic shifts in the workplace are working to the advantage of women in both the corporate community and in interscholastic athletics. Educational patterns, according to the Society of Human Resource Management (SHRM), suggest that more women are earning degrees than men (SHRM Research, 2004). One outcome of this shift may be that fewer qualified men may be available to fill roles in interscholastic athletics as the number of athletic programs continues to grow. As more women enter athletics, they may see the same shifts in their power as women in corporate America have seen. Kanter (1993) suggested that as women moved into the 1990s, their images of power shifted “from women competing with women to women as allies” (p. 310); “from women as needing help to women as deserving involvement” (p. 310); “from women as assistants to women as power brokers” (p. 311); and “from womanhood as a limiting characteristic to womanhood as a bonus” (p. 311). The same shifts in power will be realized in the administration of interscholastic athletics only when the dominant causes for the sustained lack of diversity, as noted in the three factors above, are reduced and hegemonic masculinity is eliminated.
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